Punjab at a Crossroads: 40 Years since June 1984 and the New Lok Sabha
Punjab at a Crossroads: 40 Years since June 1984 and the New Lok Sabha
Punjab needs to shed the victim mentality and collaborate with the centre, rather than maintaining an adversarial attitude rooted in a historical mindset.
Remembering Operation Blue Star: Forgiveness Without Forgetting
As we observe the 40th anniversary of the most unfortunate Operation Blue Star today, a solemn reflection envelops the Sikh community worldwide. This day serves as a poignant reminder of the army operation that targeted the Golden Temple in Amritsar—our holiest shrine—and the Akal Takht, the temporal seat of Sikhism. While the scars of June 1984 remain etched in the collective memory of the Sikhs, they may forgive, but will never forget the tragic events that transpired. This remembrance is not fuelled by a spirit of revenge but by a deep-seated resolve to honour the past while striving for peace and justice in the present, with Punjab as an integral part of India.
Commitment to Democracy and Unity
As Punjab peacefully participated in the final phase of the Lok Sabha elections on 1st June, its commitment to democracy and unity stands unwavering, reflecting the enduring resilience and fortitude of Punjabis in general and Sikhs in particular. As we await the results of the Lok Sabha elections on 4th June—including those for the 13 constituencies of Punjab—I find it worthwhile to revisit and slightly revise an article I published in September 2023 in response to Shekhar Gupta's piece on theprint.in, which provides a nuanced view under the engaging title "Punjab’s Sikhs have 99 problems but Khalistan ain’t one."
Addressing the Core Arguments of Shekhar Gupta's Article
In his article, Shekhar Gupta, with his usual eloquence, lays down three key points that serve almost as axioms.1
He asserts that no one in Punjab, including the Sikh community, is enticed by the idea of Khalistan, wishing to avoid a return to the violent years of 1983–1993.
Shekhar Gupta describes contemporary Punjab as politically vibrant, where the electorate discards ineffective governments rather than gravitating towards foreign-based ideologues promoting Khalistan.
Finally, he emphatically states that he would never question the patriotism or national commitment of India's Sikhs.
These arguments invite a closer examination, both for their merit and for what they may inadvertently overlook.
Adding Nuance to Shekhar Gupta's Observations
After setting aside the Khalistan issue, Shekhar Gupta proceeds to discuss various factors that have led to the Sikh community's feelings of alienation in Punjab—economic decline, increasing religiosity, stagnant agriculture, and unemployment. He even points to declining remittances from Canada, where the Sikh population forms a significant portion of the Indian diaspora. Additionally, he acknowledges the cultural and linguistic bonds that Punjabi Sikhs share with other Punjabis, including those in Pakistan, while suggesting that the rise of the BJP and its Hindutva agenda further alienate the community.
Shekhar Gupta enjoys a reputation as a balanced and rational journalist, and in my view, he stands in the tradition of esteemed journalists like Kuldip Nayar and Khushwant Singh, who deeply understood the Sikh psyche. However, I find myself not entirely aligned with his analysis, which, although valuable, seems somewhat incomplete, perhaps due to constraints of space or scope.
Delving into the BJP and the Sikh Psyche
Shekhar Gupta does not provide specific reasons as to why the BJP's so-called Hindutva agenda should contribute to feelings of alienation among Punjab's Sikhs. This oversight deserves attention.
It is crucial to point out that the long-standing issues for the Sikh community do not primarily stem from the BJP or its Hindutva agenda. Instead, the wounds are older and more profound. The Operation Blue Star in 1984 and the subsequent Congress-sponsored Sikh genocide in Delhi have left an indelible mark on the Sikh psyche that time has not fully healed. Although Punjab has subsequently elected Congress governments, it would be erroneous to assume that these past tragedies have been completely forgotten or forgiven.
At the same time, it should be acknowledged that the BJP hasn't been an antithetical force to the Sikhs during the state's turbulent years. Notable Sikh leaders may have been assassinated during the days of terrorism, but BJP leaders have also sacrificed their lives in opposing anti-national terrorist forces in Punjab. Therefore, attributing Sikh alienation solely or significantly to the BJP's agenda might be an oversimplification of a more complex narrative.
Modi Administration's Relationship with Sikhs
It's worth examining the Modi administration's relationship with Sikhs since 2014. Contrary to some narratives, Sikhs, as a religious minority in India, have little reason to feel offended by the general policies of the BJP or any specific actions of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Modi has indeed expressed a strong reverence for Sikh Gurus, not just in words but through his actions as well. His visits to various gurdwaras during holy Gurpurabs reflect this sentiment. Furthermore, the opening of the Kartarpur Corridor serves as an example of his proactive measures to fulfil long-standing demands of the Sikh community. He has also given national recognition to the sacrifices of the younger Sahibzadas at Fatehgarh Sahib by commemorating 26th December as 'Veer Bal Divas'.
These actions indicate that the Modi government has not been indifferent or insensitive to Sikh history or sentiments, challenging the notion that the BJP's policies or Modi's actions are a significant source of Sikh alienation.
PM Modi's Engagement in Punjab Elections
It is also noteworthy that PM Modi addressed four election rallies in Punjab—Patiala, Gurdaspur, Jalandhar, and Hoshiarpur— and at each he paid rich tributes to the sacrifices made by Punjabis and deeply acknowledged the contributions of the Sikh community to nation-building, especially in agriculture and the armed forces. Regrettably, although PM Modi very much wanted to pay his obeisance at the Golden Temple in Amritsar during his tour to Punjab, security agencies did not clear the visit due to it being the week of the anniversary of Operation Blue Star, commonly referred to as "Ghallughara Week."
Modi's Political Stance and Respect for the Sikh Community
Notably, he did not say anything against the Shiromani Akali Dal, the BJP's former alliance partner, from whom it parted ways a couple of years ago. He castigated both the AAP and the Congress Party—the former for its misgovernance in Punjab and Delhi, and the latter on account of its role in perpetrating Operation Blue Star and subsequently abetting the anti-Sikh riots in Delhi in October-November 1984 following the assassination of Mrs Indira Gandhi. On the other hand, Sukhbir Badal, the SAD supremo, who finds himself in political wilderness with his party not part of any national electoral alliance, was not very charitable and blamed the PM for the over 700 lives lost in the farmers' agitation. This 'maryada' exhibited by PM Modi clearly demonstrates that he does not want to send even a faint message that he holds anything personally against the Sikhs.
The Farm Laws and Their Repeal: A Contextual Understanding
Critics of Prime Minister Modi often cite the introduction of the three central Farm Laws as a reason for public dissent, particularly in Punjab. These laws indeed sparked extensive farmer protests, becoming one of the longest such agitations in recent decades. While the protests garnered substantial support in Punjab, it's crucial to underline that these laws were not aimed at Sikhs specifically but at the agricultural community at large. This broader focus explains why the agitation also received support from other northern Indian states like Haryana, Western UP, and Rajasthan.
In acknowledging the resistance, Prime Minister Modi took the significant step of repealing these laws. He did not hesitate to withdraw the legislation once it became clear that the very farmers it aimed to benefit were opposing it vehemently. The Prime Minister also practically apologised for the laws during his address on Guru Nanak Dev Ji's birth anniversary, suggesting a willingness to listen and adapt when faced with widespread dissent.
The repeal of the Farm Laws serves as another example that the Modi administration is not tone-deaf to the sentiments and demands of various communities, including Sikhs, thereby complicating any simplified narrative of Sikh alienation due to the BJP's policies.
Ongoing Farmer Agitation and Procurement Success
Although some splinter organisations of the farmers continued to agitate at Shambhu on National Highway No. 1 on the border of Punjab and Haryana, demanding a statutory base for the MSP, even up to the promulgation of the election code of conduct, the deadlock could not be broken despite negotiations led by a senior Cabinet Minister on behalf of the Centre. However, it is felt that this issue is not an insurmountable barrier and could be addressed effectively in the Modi 3.0 administration.
That said, the existing arrangement for the procurement of wheat by the FCI— coinciding with the election campaign in Punjab— went on smoothly, with Punjab contributing the highest ever quantum to the central pool, reflecting that the current system is functioning quite well.
The Agriculture Conundrum in Punjab: Beyond the Farm Laws
Repealing the three Farm Laws may have pacified the immediate dissent, but it doesn't resolve Punjab's core issue of stagnant agriculture. While these laws were vilified, their removal has not resulted in any transformative change in the state's agricultural landscape. Punjab's state GDP is roughly divided into 50% services, 25% industry, and 25% from the primary sector, which interestingly also includes about 10% from animal husbandry and the milk sector. This leaves only an effective 15% contribution from crop farming, which encompasses wheat, paddy, and cash crops like cotton and sugarcane, as well as horticulture and floriculture.
An analysis I conducted reveals the troubling financial state of agriculture in Punjab. A family owning just 2.5 acres of land earns about as much as an unskilled, temporary, contractual worker in Chandigarh earning at the DC rate of Rs. 15,000 per month. Given the state's land ceiling per family unit is 18 acres, and holdings are both small and increasingly subdivided, a landowner with 10 acres is considered reasonably large. However, even he can barely maintain a subsistence-level lifestyle.2
Then there is the issue of agricultural indebtedness, owed to both formal financial institutions and local middlemen, or 'artiyas'. When this factor is considered, it becomes evident that the financial stability of a Punjabi farmer is exceedingly precarious. Thus, while the Farm Laws and their repeal have garnered significant attention, they represent just the tip of the iceberg of the issues plaguing Punjab's agricultural sector
The Leadership Vacuum: Sikh Community's Unaddressed Concern
Despite vocal support for farmers from all political parties in Punjab, no single party can claim to universally represent the diverse Sikh community, which includes not only Jat Sikhs but also Khatri Sikhs, Mazhabi Sikhs/ Scheduled Castes. The Shiromani Akali Dal, rooted in the Gurdwara Reform Movement of the 1920s, is currently struggling to find its footing. In the last election, they won a mere three seats in the 117-member Punjab Vidhan Sabha. The demise of stalwarts like Parkash Singh Badal, coupled with its fractious relationship with its once-stable ally, the BJP, has weakened its position.
The key issue here is the conspicuous absence of contemporary Sikh leadership that resonates across age groups and social strata. No existing leadership can claim to appeal both to the aspirations of the educated, dynamic Sikh youth and to the more settled, working-age and senior populations. This vacuum has left the community oscillating between various conflicting narratives and directions, lacking a unified voice or clear agenda.
The absence of such multifaceted leadership leaves Punjab's Sikh population wandering in a wilderness of false promises and conflicting ideologies. Given this, it's not only a question of identifying the numerous problems Punjab faces but also an urgent need to find a leader who can genuinely unify its diverse Sikh community.
Emerging Figures and the Quest for Moderate Leadership
The recent electoral developments and public gatherings around specific individuals indicate a palpable thirst for leadership within Punjab's Sikh community. Simranjit Singh Mann's unexpected victory in the Sangrur Lok Sabha by-election, the large turnout at Deep Sidhu's Bhog ceremony, and the youth following garnered by Amritpal Singh are all signposts of this underlying need for direction. Simranjit Singh Mann is fighting a tough battle to retain his Sangrur seat, but the political landscape this time is quite different, and the outcome shall be known as soon as tomorrow on 4th June.
Though the ideologies espoused by these individuals may be polarising and not universally accepted, their ability to galvanise significant sections of Sikh youth cannot be overlooked. This speaks to the larger point: unless a balanced, courageous, and moderate Sikh leadership emerges, the community will remain susceptible to personalities who might gain temporary prominence but could ultimately jeopardise the state's peace and stability.
Controversial “Panthic” Candidates and Their Potential Impact
The recent emergence of the controversial Amritpal Singh, now contesting the Khadoor Sahib seat as an independent candidate, even while under NSA detention in Dibrugarh Jail in Assam, is a noteworthy feature of the current elections. If he wins—which is widely expected—it should not ring alarm bells for Punjab, in general, since it would merely signify the merging of separatist rivulets into the national mainstream, as he has taken a solemn oath to uphold and abide by the Constitution of India.
Similarly, in the Faridkot (SC) constituency, where the son of late Beant Singh, one of the assassins of Mrs Gandhi, is in the fray as an independent candidate, the concern is particularly acute given Punjab's status as a sensitive border state. In such a scenario, the leadership that emerges must not only be robust and convincing but also committed to safeguarding the region's integrity and ensuring its prosperity. Failing this, we leave the field open to those who might sow seeds of discord, however compelling their rhetoric might be. This phenomenon would, needless to say, worry SAD President Sukhbir Badal, whose claim to lead the "panthic" party of the Sikhs would be seriously dented if his candidates lose to these independent “radical” contestants.
The Imperative for SGPC Elections in the Wake of a Leadership Void
What if no one steps up to fill the existing power vacuum? Our prescription is straightforward—conduct the SGPC elections without further delay. The last election for the general house of the SGPC took place in 2011. Since then, the SGPC annually elects a President, but essentially from the same pool of members chosen over a decade ago.
A significant number of Sikh youth have now reached voting age for SGPC elections. Indefinitely postponing these elections denies them their crucial right to choose representatives for what can arguably be termed the mini-parliament of the Sikhs. While from a narrow lens it may be considered a mere statutory body to manage historical Sikh shrines, its importance cannot be downplayed.
The responsibility for conducting these elections lies within the purview of the Home Ministry of the Government of India. A Chief Commissioner for Gurdwara elections has already been appointed. Legal intricacies, including the voting rights of Sehajdhari Sikhs and the matter of the Haryana SGPC, have been sorted. However, there is a growing demand for the “Sehajdhari Sikhs” to have their voting rights in the SGPC elections restored—an existing privilege that they were deprived of through a retrospective amendment to the SGPC Act, 1925 in 2016, leading to an estimated disenfranchisement of about 70 lakh Sehajdhari Sikhs who had been eligible for the past four decades. Given that Panchayat elections are expected to take place soon after the Lok Sabha elections, there's no plausible reason to delay SGPC elections any further. If any impediments do arise, it would be prudent to schedule them immediately following the Panchayat elections. The SGPC should mirror the collective will of the contemporary Sikh populace in Punjab, UT Chandigarh, and Himachal Pradesh, given its interstate scope.
The fresh Sikh leadership that emerges from the SGPC elections will bear the heavy responsibility of reaching out to the scheduled castes within the Sikh community. It's disheartening to observe separate gurdwaras for scheduled castes appearing in many Doaba villages. The Sikh Gurus preached a message of inclusiveness that transcends caste, colour, creed, or race. It would indeed be a sad day for Sikhism if caste-based divisions create rifts in the community, particularly among this vulnerable population. Moreover, the rise of self-styled Christian missionaries enticing them with freebies adds an extra layer of complexity. This situation necessitates the rise of an enlightened and empathetic Sikh leadership, in which the scheduled caste community must have a meaningful role.
The Migration Conundrum: Punjab's Brain Drain and Employment Crisis
Punjabis, and especially Sikhs, have always displayed remarkable entrepreneurial spirit and mobility. Migration trends from the 1950s and 1960s, primarily from the Doaba region to the industrial centres like Birmingham in the UK, used to bring significant remittances back home. In contrast, the modern exodus from the southern districts of Malwa targets countries like Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, and is primarily facilitated through study visas.
These young men and women fund their educational pursuits by selling agricultural land, and most have no intention of returning to Punjab or sending money back. Given the opportunity, they would even prefer to move their parents to their adopted homelands. In the absence of meaningful job opportunities within Punjab for this ambitious and well-educated segment of the youth, making emotional appeals to stay or return would be fruitless.
It's worth noting that even during the best of times, government jobs were never plentiful enough to absorb the entire pool of educated young people. Despite significant recent recruitment efforts by the Punjab government and its various public sector entities, the influx of graduates from universities and colleges still far outstrips the state's capacity to employ them.
The Stifling Bureaucracy and Missed Industrial Opportunities
While the organised corporate sector and industries could have been a plausible alternative for employment, even this sector has not been fully harnessed in Punjab. Traditional industries in Ludhiana, Jalandhar, and Amritsar have been providing employment, but largely to migrant labourers in unskilled or semi-skilled roles.
Notably, indigenous Punjabi business families from areas like Ludhiana have opted to invest in other states like Madhya Pradesh where land is cheaper, approvals are quicker, and political interference is minimal. Renowned groups like Trident, Hero, and Saluja have invested outside Punjab, a trend that raises concerns.
Though the industrialists might praise Punjab's bureaucracy, the ground reality suggests otherwise. Simple approvals often become insurmountable hurdles, even with the existence of a much-touted 'single-window' system. When past approvals are revisited and questioned, it stifles the willingness to make progressive decisions. Unless addressed by the highest levels of political leadership, most proposals for new investments will remain either on paper or be subjected to debilitating delays. This is a critical issue rarely discussed openly but deserves urgent attention.
Fostering Start-ups: A Beacon of Hope for Employment
While attracting large industrial investments into Punjab seems unlikely in the current scenario, there's still room for optimism through fostering indigenous start-ups. These don't necessarily have to be in the tech sector. Groups of four or five young, like-minded graduates with minimal experience could launch their own enterprises with seed capital as modest as 10 to 20 lakh rupees.
Unfortunately, institutional loans remain elusive; banks, despite directives from the Reserve Bank of India, are reluctant to extend credit without collateral. In this context, the Sikh diaspora can play an instrumental role. Instead of merely offering charitable donations, they could act as angel investors, adopting models similar to Y-Combinator. This approach could not only create employment opportunities but also serve as a catalyst for local economic development.
Concluding Thoughts: A Tale of Two Punjabs—Which Will We Choose?
It's apparent that Punjab stands at a critical juncture, reminiscent of the divergent narratives penned by Charles Dickens. We can either author a "Bleak Story" mired in finger-pointing and inertia or pen our own "Great Expectations," marked by collective endeavour and resurgence. The landscape is fraught with challenges, yet fertile for change. If all stakeholders, from local entrepreneurs to the Sikh diaspora, contribute their share, we can look forward to a resurgent Punjab. We stand at a point of inflexion, and the Lok Sabha results for the country as a whole, and particularly Punjab, will provide an X-ray image of what the Punjabis want.
While it may not secure more than 2 or 3 seats, the BJP's vote share is projected to reach an all-time high, even as that of the SAD is set to decline further. Nevertheless, a Modi 3.0 Government seems to be barely days away, unless all the exit polls are horribly wrong. With a receptive PM, Punjab needs to shed the victim mentality and engage in a collaborative effort, if not a partnership, with the centre, rather than maintaining an adversarial attitude rooted in a historical mindset. By doing so, we can set the state on a new trajectory of peace and prosperity. If we, however, continue to engage in a blame game, involving even foreign entities, our tale could darken further.
The choice is ours; the time to act is now.
https://theprint.in/national-interest/punjabs-sikhs-have-99-problems-but-khalistan-aint-one-theyre-very-proud-indians-but-angry/1774174/
https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLUZha0-2LLO2sSrxMqXLe02piqVrySgBt&si=Lcb0GEekikko-gVZ
Link to my YouTube playlist on the Punjab Farmers’ Income.
ਪੂਰੀ ਤਰਾਂ ਸਹਿਮਤ ਹਾਂ ਜੀ। ਹਰ ਇੱਕ ਨੂੰ ਦੋਸ਼ ਦੇਣਾ ਠੀਕ ਨਹੀਂ ਪਰ ਇਸ ਨੂੰ ਭੁਲਾਇਆ ਵੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਜਾ ਸਕਦਾ। ਦੋਸ਼ੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਸਜ਼ਾ ਦੇਣ ਲਈ ਏਕਾ ਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਲੋੜ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਅਜਿਹਾ ਕੰਮ ਮੁੜ ਨਾਂ ਹੋਵੇ ਇਸ ਲਈ ਜ਼ਰੂਰਤ ਹੈ ਨੀਤੀ ਅਤੇ ਨੀਅਤ ਅਪਣਾਉਣ ਦੀ